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Reflections on a Wandering Life.....

Monday, October 26, 2020

Taiwan: China's Next Target? 

Watch this video. Very interesting discussion from German public television about the potential for conflict between Taiwan and the mainland. But I need to address a couple of issues.

First, at the beginning of the video we see a young man giving credit to Li Denghui for the change in Taiwan's system. It is true that he implemented the changes, as I have outlined previously. But Jiang Jingguo, the son of Chiang Kai-shek (Jiang Jieshi) was the king maker who essentially put him in power. There is not a mention of Jiang Jingguo in this video. That is a galling historical omission.

Secondly, this video says that “only 15 countries in the world recognize Taiwan as a sovereign state.” This is not true. In fact no country in the world recognizes Taiwan as a sovereign state. Taiwan is not a country. Taiwan is an island. The correct name of the country is “Republic of China,” and yes, there are 15 countries in the world who recognize the Republic of China. So I need to explain this.

After World War II, which also ended the second Sino-Japanese War, China was left a war-torn and very divided country. This is because the Chinese Civil War was going on at the same time as the Sino-Japanese War. The Chinese Civil War was a conflict for control of China between the Communist and the Nationalists (KMT). Here is what Wikipedia says:

The Chinese Civil War was a civil war in China fought between the Kuomintang (KMT)-led government of the Republic of China (ROC) and the Communist Party of China (CPC) lasting intermittently between 1927 and 1949.
But this is incorrect. In fact, the Chinese Civil War did not end in 1949. It is still going on. A civil war ends when one side of the conflict surrenders to the other. But the KMT never surrendered to the Communists. They fled to the island of Taiwan, and they have been holed up there for seventy years, waiting for their chance to retake the mainland. That's why the official name of the government is the “Republic of China.” They still consider themselves to be the legitimate government of all of China, including Tibet and (incredibly) Mongolia.

But this is complicated by the fact that 70 percent of the population of Taiwan are native people. They did not invite the “refugees” from China. Taiwan was commandeered by Chiang Kai-shek's army in a bloody takeover.

For many years, these Taiwanese natives were totally dominated by the newcomers. But thanks to Jiang Jingguo, who announced that the country was not going to be led by a family dynasty, the Taiwanese natives now have their own party, and it should not surprise anyone that this party is now in power. After all, as I said, Taiwanese natives predominate.

So to help you grasp this, I better give you the preferred perspective of each of the three entities that are concerned here:

KMT This is the nationalist party started by Sun Yat-sen that originally ruled China during the period between the overthrow of the Qing Dynasty, and the formation of the People’s Republic of China in 1949. In fact, they didn’t really rule China consistently until the late twenties, and they escaped to Taiwan in 1949, after which they didn’t really control the mainland, but never officially admitted that they no longer rule mainland China. There official position remains to retake the mainland and govern all of China, although there is growing realization among the younger members of this party that retaking the mainland is a pipe dream.

DPP This is the independence party—the party of the Taiwanese natives. They have no interest in retaking the mainland. They would strongly prefer complete independence from China

CCP The Communist Party’s position is that Taiwan must return to China and they promise that Taiwan will be allowed to maintain their own system, but under the umbrella of the Communist Party. This is called “one country, two systems.” China (CCP) feels very strongly about this. Now, here is the historical irony: The CCP favors the KMT, bccause the KMT supports the one China policy. But the problem is that the CCP’s one China is very different from the KMT’s one China. They each think they should be in charge. So they don’t actually agree with each other. And the CCP (I believe) have deceived themselves into thinking that because the KMT supports one China, that means that they are more open to one country, two systems. Nothing could be further from the truth. Why? Because the full name of one country, two systems is “one country, two systems under the Communist party of China.” The KMT will never agree to being under the Communist party, because that is tantamount to surrender. So the KMT and the CCP both support “one China,” each with their own interpretation, and the KMT and the DPP both oppose one country, two systems. Vehemently.

Now, there is a new trend developing: It seems to me that among the younger generation(s), there is less and less difference between the DPP and the KMT with regard to the status of Taiwan. This is a very interesting and significant development, and I am watching it closely. I can’t say for sure, but it really seems to me that many of the KMT folks in the younger generation are resigned to the fact that they can never retake the mainland, so they are content to just be left alone (much like the DPP) However, being left alone sounds like independence, and that is not supposed to be what their party stands for, so they are opting for the status quo, which means kicking the can down the road.

The DPP has no problem saying they support independence, because they never ever had any interest in taking the mainland. But they are smart enough to realize that officially declaring independence would mean war, so they also tend to support the status quo.

So how long will the Beijing government allow Taiwan to say, “lets deal with this later?” It’s anybody’s guess, but it is important to point out that the reason so few countries recognize the Republic of China, is because when you recognize the Republic of China, you are saying that the Republic of China (essentially the Taiwan government in Taipei) is the only legitimate government of all of China. It is not possible to regognize both the People's Republic of China and the Republic of China, because they both claim sovereignty over the same territory. And there is no way to recognize both the People's Republic of China and Taiwan, because Taiwan is not a country, and doesn't claim to be. It's just an island. Or is it?

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Monday, November 11, 2019

Taiwan's Dire Straits 

The constant question is how China and Taiwan will work through the perpetual conflict caused by the 70 year old civil war. The KMT under Chiang Kai-Shek used to rule China, and was an ally of the United States during World War II.

The Communists took over most of China, but were unable to defeat the KMT. The KMT fled to Taiwan, but also occupied other smaller islands, one group of which is very close to Xiamen (a coastal city in Fujian Province). Less than 10 kilometers, in fact. The Communists decided that, as a step toward taking Taiwan, they should first capture these islands. They failed, in a struggle that came to be known as the Battle of Guningtou.

Although the Americans were not directly involved in this fight, the Nationalists did have the benefit of a bunch of cast-off World War II tanks, which gave them a hugely unfair advantage against the PLA. One can only wonder if the Communists should have bypassed Kinmen and gone directly to the main island of Taiwan. At any rate, the attempt to take Taiwan was foiled, and the Chinese Civil War was destined go continue for another...who knows? It's already been 70 years and it is not over, although the two sides have managed to maintain a more or less peaceful ceasefire for most of those years, except for a period during the Cold War when they were shooting at each other, but neither was attempting to conquer the other.

So where to go from here? The video below outlines the basic situation such as it is. It should be noted that the rock star featured in this video is a Taiwan native (not a descendant of those who came over in 1949). That should be taken into consideration when listening to his comments. The Taiwan natives have no interest in "retaking the mainland," which was always, and is still supposed to be the objective of the KMT. But something interesting seems to be happening in Taiwan. In the current generation, there seems to be less divide between the two entities. Young people generally don't have a strong philosophy about "one China," or whatever. They just know that they don't want to be dominated by China.

China has tried many ways to bring the wandering province back into the fold. Recently, they put a female television anchor in front of the camera begging "wan wan" to come back home.

It didn't go over well. I feel sorry for the lady, because she's probably a nice person. But it just doesn't work to be doing threatening military maneuvers, threatening to invade, and then have a pretty lady begging "wan wan" to come back to Mommy. This is the worst possible time for China to be doing that, especially with what is happening in Hong Kong and Xinjiang. The young people of Taiwan do not want to come back to a "Mommy" who puts hundreds of thousands of innocent people in prison camps. I call them prison camps, because people are put there by force. That's prison. So I don't want to hear what they are doing in those camps. It is not relevant to the basic human rights issue (deprivation of liberty without due process). If you told me that they were living in mansions and beijing waited on by servants, I would still call it a violation of human rights, because they did not choose to be there and they are not free to leave. I don't want to belabor that point, because I have addressed it before in this blog. Just let me say that that issue is not going to go away, and will affect the way most people view the China-Taiwan relationship for years to come.

So what should China do? I have never been a fan of Mao, but I do think he was right about Taiwan. In his conversation with Kissinger he stated that Taiwan would come back eventually, but the time was not right for it. He said it would take a hundred years. But that was almost fifty years ago. Will it really take another fifty years? I don't think it has to. But it will not happen in the next ten years. Maybe not even twenty. Why not? Because whatever you say about Taiwan, it has been functioning as an independent entity for seventy years, and is not going to just give up its de facto independence and become another province in China. The only way forward that China can accept right now is "one country, two systems," and that is anathema to both the DPP and the KMT.

There seems to be a perception that China is upset with Tsai Yingwen because she opposes "one country, two systems," in contrast to the KMT. This is incorrect. The KMT also opposes "one country, two systems." Why? Because "one country, two systems" would mean Taiwan coming into China under the Communist party. That would be the same as surrender.

"One country, two systems" and "one China" are not the same at all. They are as different as night and day. The DPP opposes both of them. The KMT supports "one China," but opposes "one country, two systems" just as much as does the DPP. So there is a difference between the KMT and the DPP with respect to "one China," but no difference between them with respect to "one country, two systems." They both oppose that vehemently. But right now, "one country, two systems" is the only way forward that China can accept. This is the main roadblock to reconciliation.

Is there a way forward? Many say no. But I do not agree. Reconciliation is definitely a possibility. But it will require a way forward that is more creative than what either side has conceived of or been willing to accept. Before that way forward can be found, China has to be willing to give up "one China, two systems," because the people of Taiwan will never, never accept it, and China does not have the power to force them to accept it.

China likes to talk about the fact that most countries recognize the Beijing government diplomatically. But that recognition is not a recognition of China's right to take Taiwan by force. The practical truth is that most, if not all of the countries that recognize China diplomatically also have a (non-diplomatic) relationship with Taiwan as an independent entity, and support Taiwan's (de facto) independence. There can be no greater example than the United States, which publicly recognizes China diplomatically, but openly sells weapons to Taiwan to defend their independence. What greater sign of recognition (of Taiwan's de facto independence) can there be than selling them weapons to defend that independence? Come on. Actions speak louder than words. The Americans clearly recognize Taiwan's (de facto) independence, and are committed by law to helping them defend it.

But again, reconciliation is not out of the question. Not at all. I don't think it is the only option, but it is one of them. It is worth talking about, and should be talked about. And that conversation can begin as soon as China is ready to give up the "one China, two systems" idea. Taiwan is not Hong Kong.

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Thursday, February 28, 2019

In a war between China and Taiwan, who would win? 


Taiwanese soldiers training in January for a possible invasion from China.
Click for larger image.

Don't get excited, I don't anticipate a war between China and Taiwan. But the question comes up every once in awhile, and the issue was raised again the beginning of January when Xi Jin-ping gave a speech reiterating China's claim to Taiwan. By the way, I use the terms "China" and "Taiwan" because it's simpler. But it is important to point out that both terms are technically inaccurate. "China" is inaccurate, because both China and Taiwan claim to be the "real" China. "Taiwan" is inaccurate, because there is no country in the world that calls itself "Taiwan." Taiwan is not the name of a country, it's the name of an island. The name of the country is "Republic of China." So the accurate way to talk about it would be "People's Republic of China" and "Republic of China." But that gets confusing, so most of the time you will hear people say, "China and Taiwan." It is important to note that both the Republic of China and the People's Republic of China claim all of China, but govern only part of it. The Republic of China claims all of China including Tibet and Mongolia (which was taken by the Soviet Union, and is now an independent republic), but only actually governs Taiwan. The People's Republic of China also claims all of China (although I think they have given up on Mongolia), but only actually governs the mainland. So understand that when I say "Taiwan" I mean the Republic of China, and when I say "China," I mean the People's Republic of China.

I don't want to go into detail on the history of this problem, because I have addressed that in a previous post, but just quickly, before and during World War II China was ruled by the KMT under Chiang Kai-shek. China was an ally of the United States in the fight against Japan, a conflict that temporarily overshadowed the ongoing civil war between the Guomindang (KMT) and the Communists. After World War II was over, the fight resumed, with the KMT being overwhelmed but never completely defeated by the Communists. In other words, technically, the civil war between the KMT and the Communists is still going on. The KMT under Chiang Kai-shek fled to Taiwan, and essentially set up a government in exile. The Communists were determined to invade Taiwan and finish off the KMT, thus becoming the undisputed ruler of China. Fortunately for the Communists, Truman hated the KMT. He felt they were corrupt and he did not want to get involved in any conflict between the two parties. In other words, he was strongly disinclined to "rescue" the Republic of China from the Communists. But unfortunately for the Communists, Kim Il-sung got the brainy idea to invade South Korea, thus starting the Korean War. Truman got cold feet and sent the Seventh Fleet into the Taiwan Strait, thus essentially putting the Chinese civil war into a stalemate that has lasted until this day.

Now, back to the present. As I said, Xi Jinping recently gave a speech where he advocated reunification, with the offer that Taiwan could have a "one country, two systems" arrangement.

The current leader of Taiwan (Tsai Ing-wen) rejected the offer. This has renewed criticisms of her and her "obstinate" approach, and also provoked negative comparisons of her with Ma Ying-jeou (leader of Taiwan before Tsai) and the party he represents. Tsai is from the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), generally considered the party of the Taiwanese natives, and Ma represented the Guomindang (KMT), which has historically been the party for those who came from the mainland in 1949. But these comparisons are unfair and not entirely honest. It is true that the KMT supports the "one China" principle, but the one China they support is not one China under the Communist Party. Not at all. Supporting one China under the Communist Party would be tantamount to surrender. It would go against everything the KMT believes in. They want to see one China under the KMT. So in fact, both parties are equally opposed to one China under the Communist Party.

The other issue is the "one China, two systems" arrangement that China is proposing for Taiwan. Tsai is being criticized for rejecting it. Also unfair. The KMT also rejects, and has always rejected, the one country, two systems arrangement. Ma Ying-jeou's rejection of one China, two systems was clear and unambiguous:

If the system is good, then we believe it should be "One Country, One System." (from interview with Aljazeera)
Here is how he defines it:
Mutual non-recognition of each other's sovereignty.
Mutual non-denial of each other's right to govern.
So if the Guomindang (KMT) feels the same way about these issues as the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), why does Beijing have a better relationship with the KMT? It seems that for Beijing, any kind of "one China" is better than no "one China." The KMT and the Communists fought a bloody war on the mainland. On April 12, 1927, Chiang Kai-shek began a purge of the Communists that ultimately resulted in the deaths of thousands of Communists. But the conflict between the Communists and the KMT was complicated by the Japanese invasion. Over time, the Communists gradually got the upper hand, and the KMT was forced to flee to Taiwan. In contrast, the DPP has never fought against the Communists, or taken a stand against them. They just want to be left alone on Taiwan--they have no interest in invading the mainland.

So here is the irony: The party that is committed to invading the mainland, totally defeating the PLA, wiping out the Communists, and taking control of the country, has a good relationship with Beijing. They send representatives to Beijing to meet with Chinese leaders, and several years ago, the KMT leader was awarded the Confucius Peace Prize.

But the party that has no interest in invading China, and just wants to live peacefully on the island, has a terrible relationship with China. Whenever the DPP is in power, China is constantly taking threatening actions and issuing warnings. It is as if China is saying, "We only love the ones who hate us."

But let's try to see this from Beijing's point of view. If China were to have good relations with the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), they would be surrendering their claim to Taiwan, because the DPP has no interest in making Taiwan part of China--they are opposed to "one China" in any form. But if Beijing has a good relationship with the KMT, they don't have to give up anything. Since the KMT is committed to taking over China, China has no fear that they would declare independence, since that would be contrary to their ultimate aim, and also no fear that they would one day conquer China.

But there is a problem with Beijing's way of thinking: Being on good terms with the KMT still does not bring Taiwan back to China. Again, the KMT's "one China" and the Communist Party's "one China" are very different. Couldn't be more different. The KMT is not, and never will be in favor of one China under the Communist party. They are just as opposed to domination by the Communist Party as is the DPP. The KMT and the DPP are often portrayed as being different, but in fact, they are not, except in theoretical terms. Here's how it works:

Ulitmate long-term goal of Taiwan's two main parties:

DPP: Independence from China
KMT: Control of all of China

But does anyone really believe that the KMT has a chance to take over the mainland? Chiang Kai-shek never gave up that hope until the day he died. But he died in 1975. That's a long time ago. Officially, the KMT has never given it up. That's why Taiwan is still called the "Republic of China." But does anybody seriously believe today that Taiwan has a ghost of a chance of retaking the mainland? So if we can all agree that there is no possibility that the KMT will ever again govern all of China (unless China agrees to a multi-party system or something), then the KMT and the DPP are essentially the same with respect to their relationship with the mainland. Again, other than that theoretical difference, there is no daylight between them on that issue. Neither of them would ever consider being dominated by China.

But Beijing doesn't see it that way. They have convinced themselves that the KMT's belief in "one-China" means that they are easier to deal with. And it is this belief, rather than Tsai's (the current president) attitude that has produced the tension. She is protrayed as being obstinate and recalcitrant. Not fair. When she became president, she reached out to China. They rebuffed her, not the other way around. I suppose from Beijing's perspective, you could say that they rebuffed her because she rebuffed the one-China policy. That's fair as long as you let me point out that every KMT president has also rebuffed one-China under the Communist party. They only want one-China if China surrenders to the KMT and allows the KMT to govern all of China.

I should interject here that a big part of the current tension has to do with the difference between the current leaders and Chairman Mao. Whatever you think about Mao, he was a confident leader. He didn't worry much about Taiwan. The current tension around islands in the South China sea could not have happened during Mao's time. He was thoroughly Chinese--focused on the mainland. Here is a conversation about Taiwan between Mao and Kissinger (from On China - ISBN: 9781594202711 pg 307):
Mao: It's better for it to be in your hands. And if you were to send it back to me now, I would not want it, because it's not wantable. There are a huge bunch of counter-revolutionaries there. A hundred years hence, we will want it [gesturing with his hand], and we are going to fight for it.

Kissinger: Not a hundred years.

Mao: [Gesturing with his hand, counting] It is hard to say. Five years, ten, twently, a hundred years. It's hard to say. [Points toward the ceiling] And when I go to heaven to see God, I'll tell him it's better to have Taiwan under the care of the United States now.

Kissinger: He will be very astonished to hear that from the Chairman.

Mao: No, because God blesses you, not us. [waves his hands] because I am a militant warlord, also a communist. That's why he doesn't like me. [Pointing to the three Americans] He likes you and you and you.

Does this conversation from the Seventies indicate that Mao did not care about Taiwan? No, I don't think so. I believe it reflects two things about Mao's thinking. First of all, Mao was a realist. He saw that the thinking of Taiwan people was very different from the thinking of mainland people, so taking over Taiwan by force would change Taiwan, but it would also change China in ways that Mao did not want China to change. Second, Mao was a very confident leader. He was not in a hurry, because he was confident that when he was ready to take Taiwan, he would take it, and nobody would stop him. So he could afford to wait.

Modern Chinese leaders, in contrast, are much more insecure. China today seems burdened with an inferiority complex--forever needing to prove to the world, and even more to herself, that she is a major player on the world stage. Mao had no time for such antics. Building fake islands in the middle of the South China Sea would not appeal to him.

So where do we go from here? There are several possibilities, but let's talk about the impossibilities first, because if we can get them out of the way, the discussion about what is possible will not be burdened with unrealistic options. The following two things are impossible. They can never happen.

1. The KMT retaking the mainland by force and putting all of China (China + Taiwan) under its rule.

2. The Communist Party taking over the island of Taiwan and putting all of China (China + Taiwan) under its rule.

I'll take them one at a time.

The first impossibility we have already talked about. But I haven't mentioned yet that 70 percent of the people of Taiwan speak Taiwanese Hokkien. These people have never had any interest in taking over the mainland. But they do, of course, have an interest in defending their independence. They have not officially declared independence as a national act, but the individual leaders have. The current leader, of course. And Ma Ying-jeou before her said it very clearly. The only difference between him and Tsai is that she has declared independence from China, and while Ma declared independence as China. But again, practically speaking, those two are the same (since there is no possibility that Taiwan can ever take over the mainland and be the "real China"). Chen Shui-bian, of course, also declared that Taiwan was an independent country, and if I remember correctly, he even used the word "Taiwan" instead of Republic of China. I'm not sure about that part, but I seem to remember that. I don't specifically recall hearing Li Deng-hui proclaim Taiwan's independence, but he certainly believed in it. He was a member of the KMT, but he was a Taiwanese native, and was largely responsible for purging the KMT of old guard (as detailed in another previous post).

So in a defensive struggle, Taiwan would be completely unified. No one in Taiwan believes in "one-China" under the Communist party.

But in an offensive struggle it would be very different. Most of the people would be very opposed to trying to "retake" the mainland. That's before we even start talking about the logistics of it, which are obviously formidable. It's not going to happen.

Now let's talk about the second impossibility--that of China taking over Taiwan by force and bringing all of China under the rule of the Communist party. The following article addresses the logistics of such an effort:

Interesting article. I like it because it shows graphically the difference between China and Taiwan militarily. That's important. But remember, the difference between China and Taiwan militarily is nothing compared to the difference between the United States and North Korea, or between the United States and Vietnam, or between the United States and Iraq, or between the United States and Afghanistan. And the United States was not able to win any of those conflicts. Why? The reason is two-fold. First, it takes much more military force to attack than to defend. The second reason is that victory in conflict requires both military force and the will of the people to fight. The "human" side of war, if you will.

So let's take a look at the human side for a minute. If China attacked Taiwan, Taiwan would fight tooth and nail. Lots of people on both sides would die. I assume that the Americans would get involved to help Taiwan, but they wouldn't need to, as long as they were willing to supply Taiwan with the needed weapons of war. Believe me, when thousands of families throughout the countryside of China started getting their one and only son back in a body bag, there would be a revolt. Many people would be asking, "Why did my son have to die? Taiwan did not attack us. Why did we attack them? There is no reason for this. My son died for nothing." The common people would not support the war effort. Intellectuals in universities may support it, because their blood wouldn't be flowing in the streets. But the common people throughout the country would lose heart. Why? Because in order to have the people with you, you need a legitimate casus belli. It is very hard to be victorious without that, as the Americans have found in Iraq. Now, if Taiwan invaded China first, it might be different, at least for awhile. But if not, China would have no legitimate cause for action, either in the minds of the people, or in the eyes of the watching world. So an attack on Taiwan in these circumstances would be devastating for the current regime in China, both in terms of relationship with the other countries of the world, and in terms of relationship with China's own people. Most people in China are not Communists. But they do like stability. The current regime on the mainland has given them that. But if you take that away, the widespread support the current regime enjoys would disappear. Read history: a military attack that causes many people to die will never have the support of the masses unless you can convince them that you had to do it, and you had to do it now.

So with both of those impossibilities out of the way, where do we go from here? What is the wisest course of action? Can Taiwan and China ever be unified? Can they ever be one country? Yes, of course. But whatever happens, it must be something they both agree to. This is key. Neither side has either the power or the right to force its will on the other. Once we can accept this, they are many possibilities. But they will take time. Why? Because regardless of where you come down on this issue, China and Taiwan are very different. Mao understood this. And if it was true then, it is so much more true now. At the time Mao and Kissinger had that conversation, China and Taiwan had been separated for less than 25 years. Now it has been 70 years. So trying to join them today would be hugely problematic. But there are interesting changes going on in China that could produce a very different dynamic in years to come. For one thing, Christianity is growing very rapidly in China. In 20 years or so, China could be the largest Christian country in the world. In contrast, Taiwan, like America, seems to be moving toward secularism. When I was a child in Japan, no one would have believed that in 2019, China would be well on the way to becoming the largest Christian country in the world. for us in those days, China was like North Korea. Now we commonly say "China" and "Taiwan," but in those days, we often said, "Red China" or "Communist China," and "Free China," and the common expression during the Cold War was "I'd rather be dead then red." Never could we imagine China as a Christian country. Mind you, China is not Korea. Korea is 30% Christian. But Christianity is much more significant in the country of China than it was when the missionaries left after 1949. Christianity is growing. There is a spiritual hunger in China that is pretty impressive for someone like me who grew up in Japan. In Japan, there was great freedom for churches to operate as they wished. But there were no churches. I lived in towns of several hundred thousand people and one church. The countryside of Japan has not changed that much in all these years, but China has changed drastically. In Beijing today there might be 10 or 12 Three-Self Churches. but there are thousands of independent "family churches." I have never been to Taiwan, but data shows that when it comes to Christianity, Taiwan is much more like Japan than China, andChina is becoming more like Korea every day.

The other interesting thing about China is that, in contrast to America, the percentage of Evangelical Christians is very close to the percentage for all Christians. In China, if you are going to be a Christian, there is little reason to be anything but Evangelical. That may not seem important now, but you better believe the effect of that reality in 20 or 30 years will be astounding. If Taiwan were forced into China today, it would be perceived by everyone as a less free country swallowing a free country. But if Christianity continues to grow at the current rate, China will be a freer country than Taiwan in years to come.

I said all that to say that patience is to everyone's advantage. But let's talk about options. What can be done? What are the good options and the not so good?

First of all, "one country two systems" is clearly a non-starter. Why? Well, both political parties in Taiwan oppose it, as expressed recently by the great-grandson of Chiang Kai-shek:

I get the distinct impression from reading this article, that among the younger generation of political leaders, there seems to be a "moving together" of the two perspectives (KMT and DPP). But especially with respect to one China, two systems, they seem to be unified. So why are the people of Taiwan so overwhelmingly opposed to one country, two systems?

Perhaps I can explain this by way of analogy:

Let's suppose that China and Japan were fighting a war. Then let's suppose that the common people begin to hear the rumor that China had surrendered to Japan. They rush to turn on the television or radio, or go to the Internet to see what is happening. Now, imagine that they turn on the radio or something, and hear the announcer trying to reassure the public: "Please don't worry. Japan has promised that we can have one country, two systems."

What do you think? Do you think most people in China would be happy about this? Do you think they would say, "Oh, good. Nothing will change. And it's good for China to be together with Japan. After all, we are all Asians, so we must be related somewhere back there."

No. no way. I think they would be horrified. And picture the scene: At every elementary school, at every middle school, at every university, students would gather around the flagpole and watch the flag of their country coming down for the last time. Why? Because you can have one country, two systems, but you can't have one country, two flags. With tears streaming down their faces, they would sing their national anthem for the last time as they watched the flag slowly beijing lowered so that it could be replaced by the flag of Japan. Then they would have to go back to their classrooms and learn the national anthem of Japan. Why? Because you can have one country, two systems, but you can't have one country, two national anthems. Right now as I am writing this, Beijing is pushing a law in Hong Kong that could put you in prison for three years if you show disrespect for the national anthem of China.

Remember, this analogy is just that, an analogy. It's not true, and it would not happen. Japan is a peaceful country now, and they would not do that kind of thing today. But I share this analogy to make the point that if something like that did happen, it would not be accepted. Nobody would say, "Oh, look! We have a bright new flag with a big red sun in the middle! Isn't it lovely?" Nobody would say that. And nobody would say, "Japan is so kind to allow us to have one country, two systems. We don't even have to learn Japanese. We just have to learn the Japanese national anthem, so we can be loyal to our new mother country." Nobody would feel that way. There would be widespread unrest. Probably war in the streets. The mass of people would not be politely singing the Japanese national anthem. They would be singing, "Arise, ye who refuse to be slaves!" And they would be singing it with gusto.

Sometimes Chinese people puzzle themselves over why the Taiwanese do not like the "one country, two sytems" idea. But in fact, Chinese people themselves would never accept such a thing if it were imposed on them by another power.

In western culture, we have what is called the "Golden Rule:"

Do unto others as you would have them to unto you.
It comes from the Bible--from the words of Jesus. But Confucius said something very similar:
Don't do to others what you don't want them to do to you.
Since we are talking about China, we will use the Confucian version. Chinese people should not force something on Taiwan that they would not want forced on them.

So you see, a free people will always resist one country, two systems. In the interview I mentioned earlier, the interviewer, Steve Chao, who is ethnic Chinese, but very North American in his thinking (he's from Canada), seemed to be consumed with the idea that Taiwan people are watching Hong Kong and they see how one country, two systems is going, and they don't like it, so they decided not to accept it for Taiwan. I suppose this may be true to a certain extent, but Mr. Chao doesn't seem to realize that the KMT has always opposed one China, two systems as a matter of principle, for reasons that have little or nothing to do with Hong Kong. Hong Kong is a colony. Furthermore, there is a significant part of the government in Hong Kong (called the "pro-Beijing camp") that likes the one country, two systems idea. In other words, not everybody agrees that one country, two systems is not going well. I don't want to get sidetracked into talking about Hong Kong right now, because I plan to address that issue in a future post, but it's not the same, as Ma Ying-jeou articulates very effectively in the interview.

So what to do? I think there is a solution that can avoid the problems we have talked about. I don't know the Chinese name for it, but in America we use a Latin expression: status quo. It means "leave things the way they are for now."

What would be the advantage of this approach?

  • Nobody dies. There would be no war. Under the 1992 Consensus, each side is allowed to believe that they are the "real China." As long as Taiwan continues to maintain that, they cannot be invaded. Right now, China has many missiles pointed at Taiwan. Missiles are indiscriminate. They don't just kill soldiers. If just one of those missiles were fired at a city like Taipei, many innocent people could die. We don't want that. As Xi-Jinping said in his speech, "Chinese don't fight Chinese."
  • Trade across the Taiwan Strait would continue. This is very important for both sides of the strait.
  • Taiwanese businessmen could continue to work in China. I heard somewhere that there are a million Taiwanese businessmen in China. I don't have any idea if they number is really that high, but there are a lot of them. They bring a lot of expertise to China, and a lot of income to Taiwan.
  • Student exchanges could continue. Chinese students could continue to study in Taiwan, and Taiwanese students could continue to study in China. These exchanges are so important! They keep young people from both China and Taiwan communicating with each other. Chinese students tend to be openhearted and relational. I have never been to Taiwan, but if Taiwanese students are even half as openhearted as Chinese students, these student exchanges have huge possibilities. As communication continues, the people of China and Taiwan in the next generation would grow together more and more.
  • Travel. Tourism is good for both sides of the Taiwan Strait. And as more and more people travel both ways, I believe that understanding between them will increase. When I first came to China, it was very rare to find Chinese people who had been to Taiwan. That has really changed and needs to change more.
  • Discussions about this problem could continue peacefully. I believe these discussions are very important. I do believe Taiwan has a right to insist that discussions are not done under the threat of force. Nobody wants to negotiate with the cold steel of a gun barrel on his temple. But there should be negotiation and dialogue.
  • The Americans would stay out of it. Sometimes I hear people in China talking about how America wants to control the Taiwan situation for their own purposes. I believe that is a misunderstanding. The Americans actually don't care that much about what happens in Asia. But they are desperately afraid of a land war in Asia. This is partly because of their experience in Korea, but also because of their experience in Vietnam. They did not win either one of those conflicts. Korea was a standoff, but Vietnam was a bitter defeat, with the Americans literally escaping in helicopters from the roof of the embassy in Hanoi. So whenever China talks aggressively toward Taiwan, the Americans become very concerned and sell lots of weapons to Taiwan. But when China talks peacefully toward Taiwan, the Americans lose interest. They have so many other things to worry about.
  • Perhaps more important than anything else, the respect for Chinese people as a peaceful people would increase. When the people of the world hear talk of war between China and Taiwan, they begin to wonder if the Chinese, as a people, are peaceful, or addicted to violent conflict. The status quo would do much to put these fears to rest.

I realize that the status quo is not a permanent solution. But I think it is by far the best option for Taiwan's current circumstance. Patience is a virtue that will yield rich fruit in the relations between China and Taiwan, and among all Chinese people throughout the world, and also the relationship between Chinese people and the people of other nations. In the future, I want to brainstorm some more about what possible solutions may be available that might be more long-term, and less temporary than the status quo idea. For example, it is clearly impossible for Taiwan to take over the mainland. But what if China invited Taiwan to take over and change the name of China back to "Republic if China?" I don't want to go there right now, because that's just a wild idea that floated through my brain, and I haven't had time to process it yet. But all who love China (both China and Taiwan) must never give up trying to find a peaceful solution to this problem.

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Friday, November 24, 2006

China and the United Nations 

Met a young lady at the English corner today. I said, "What's your English name?" She said, "Linda, but you can call me 'Fish.' Fish is freedom."

For some reason, I am getting a lot of questions about Taiwan lately. Here in China, people seem to be convinced that America wants to interfere with the relationship between Taiwan and the mainland because of their desire to control Taiwan. I reminded them that the Americans have always supported the "one China" policy, because Chiang Kai-shek insisted on it then just as much as the mainland does now, and because the American association with Taiwan was always predicated on the assumption that Taiwan represented China.

How could a country like Taiwan go from being a member of the UN Security Council to being a small island nation that no one recognizes? The answer, of course, is simple. Taiwan was never a member of the Security Council. That would be ridiculous. The Republic of China on Taiwan was a member of the Security Council. People today say that China has been in the United Nations since the early seventies, after Nixon's trip to China. In fact, China has always been a member of the United Nations. And China has always been a member of the Security Council. Taiwan was a member of the United Nations and the Security Council as China, never as Taiwan.

So what to do about this contradiction? Chen Shui-bian (current president) would, of course, advocate that Taiwan become independent. But that's because he is a Taiwanese native. If you ever talk to a diehard Taiwanese native, they don't speak disparagingly about "the Communists." They talk about "the Mainlanders," an epitaph that refers to everyone who came from the Mainland after 1949, most of whom were anything but Communist. When I was a kid, Taiwan was referred to as "free China." While that name was reasonable as a distinction from the mainland government, especially given the events at that time, it would never have been honest to refer to Taiwan as "free Taiwan." The Taiwanese natives certainly didn't view it as freedom. Their island was taken over by the mainlanders (1949) in a very bloody invasion, and the government they set up, while pro-American, was not the least bit democratic.

So what is it that motivated the KMT to voluntarily give up Martial Law and become a democratic nation? Credit for that goes to Lee Teng-hui, who was a member of the KMT, but was actually a Taiwanese native. I guess I should go back one step, and give credit to Chiang Ching-kuo (son of Chiang Kai-shek), because he did seem to be moving toward democratic government before he died, and because he named Lee as his successor instead of naming someone from his family, thus ending the family political dynasty. But it was Lee who implemented the change. He offered elderly KMT law makers huge retirement honoraries, because of their meritorious service (bought them off, in other words), and once those guys were out of the way, he completely democratized the government. In the next election, Chen Shui-bian's party won because of a split in the KMT. Taiwan was now ruled by the natives, who constituted some 70 per cent of the population.

But the future direction is not independence. In a recent article in the Far East Economic Review, Ma Ying-jiu (current mayor of Taipei and KMT chief), who will probably be the next leader of Taiwan, outlined the approach he would use to this issue. He said he would not advocate independence, and he would not support reunification. He would propose following the status quo for the foreseeable future. Although the Beijing government will not support this approach enthusiastically, they will probably be relieved by this change. But Ma Ying-jiu will be a thorn in Beijing's side, too, because he always attends the Tiananmen memorials, and because he was a vocal critic of the anti-secession law, in contrast to his party, which was silent on the issue. He is having some trouble right now because of a scandal in his office. I personally think he will survive, because there is no evidence of embezzlement, just of lazy accounting, but his opponents will certainly try to use it against him, so only time will tell.

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Saturday, August 13, 2005

Significance of Xi'an 

I left Xi'an last night on the non-stop express train. I arrived in Beijing this morning, took a cab to the North Gate, and took the elevator to the 14th floor. But my electronic key failed to trip the solenoid that opens the main gate. I went down to the office of the building superintendent, and they made a bunch of phone calls. Apparently, they implemented a new security system when I was gone. The floor lady had to come and recode my key so that it would work with the new system. Anyway, it's good to be home.

Xi'an. What is the significance of this city? In terms of history, of course, it is very, very significant. Xi'an is the ancient capital of China. It was the capital for twelve or thirteen dynasties. But the "center of gravity" in China has definitely moved eastward. You wouldn't know it, though, to listen to some old timers.

Recently, the Chinese made an effort to purchase Unocal, the American oil company. There was a lot of bad press about this in the US, so China decide to do a PR thing, and invited a group of journalists to China to speak with officials. One of the officials they spoke with was a Major General in the PLA. He told the reporters that if the US came to the aid of Taiwan in a conflict between Taiwan and the mainland, China would use nuclear weapons against America (not very good PR, if you ask me). He said, "We will destroy 100 or 200 American cities!" But the part that really made me chuckle was his response when questioned about how China would handle an inevitable response from the US. He said, "We are prepared to lose every city east of Xi'an!" One glance at a map of China certifies the absurdity of that statement.

If I had been there, I would have said, "Listen fella, if you lose Beijing and Shanghai, you have lost China." As I said, his comments made me laugh. But the fact that the Chinese military is being led by people who actually believe that Xi'an is still the soul and essence of China is disturbing. In terms of history, Xi'an is extremely important. No question about that. But we don't study history to live in the past. We study history to live more efficiently in the present, and prepare more effectively for the future. The Scripture says that history repeats itself (Ecclesiastes 1:9), so understanding the patterns can help us to be prepared for the inevitable recurrence of them.

Several years ago, I did a ten-year study of the American Civil War. Through all the dozens and dozens of books I read during that ten year period, what consumed me was a determination to understand what kinds of attitudes characterized the "winners" and the "losers." Most striking was the comparison between Ulysses Grant, General of the Union Army, and Robert E. Lee, the leader of the Confederate Army.

Robert E. Lee should have been the commander of the Union Army. He seemed perfect for the job. In fact, Winfield Scott offered it to him, but he declined. Grant was the most unlikely commander. He should have been the guerrilla leader of the Confederates. Robert E. Lee was the epitome of propriety. He went through four years at West Point without a single demerit. Grant wasn't at West Point more than a few months before he was writing home to his friends, "Every time you turn around, they give you one of those little black marks." Lee chose the military as a profession out of a sense of duty and honor. Grant's father got him into West Point because he was afraid his son could not succeed at anything else. He was right. Lee had success written all over him. He could have been a success in any one of a number of different fields. Grant failed at absolutely everything he ever did except commanding the Union Army in combat.

Don't get me wrong. Grant came from a good family. He was not vile or unruly by any means. But he wasn't exactly refined, either. Certainly he did not posses the Southern refinement that characterized Lee. Robert E. Lee graduated second in his class. Grant would have been delighted to have gotten kicked out of West Point, because he didn't want to be there in the first place, but he was just too nice a guy.

And the surrender scene at Appomattox Court House was even more unlikely. Lee, the loser, was dressed in his neatest uniform, wearing his ceremonial sword. Grant came walking in with muddy boots, wearing an old private's uniform with a general's star sewn to it. It didn't make sense. The roles should have been reversed. At least that's how it looked on the surface. But when you examine these two men a little closer, a different picture emerges. Grant, the defender of the Union, came from a very traditional, stable (if perhaps a bit boring) Calvinistic family. Robert E. Lee came from a broken home. In my opinion, Lee's statements before the war, about the impending conflict, and his willingness to accept the division that conflict would create, reflect a resignation developed as the child of a troubled family.

Patterns. This is what history is about. And in this sense, Xi'an is very important. There are many places to see in China. You can't see all of them. But Xi'an is not optional. You have to see it. The Qin emperor is credited with unifying China for the first time. In fact, many believe that the Western name for "China" came from the name of the Qin Emperor. And many do not realize that Mao was a great admirer of the Qin emperor. Like Mao, the Qin Emperor was anti-intellectual. He had more than 400 Confucian scholars buried alive. Mao listed intellectuals as "Category #9" in his categories of undesirables. He referred to them as the "Stinking Ninth." In referring to the Qin emperor, after whom he modeled himself, he said, "What can Emperor Qin Shihuang brag about? He only killed 460 Confucian scholars, but we killed 46000 intellectuals."

But the past is still the past. Understanding it is useful for the purposes we mentioned, but we must not live in it. Xi'an is the past. We must use what we can learn in Xi'an to understand what is happening now in this very rapidly changing country. Xi'an, then, is important not because of some present strategic significance. Xi'an is important because history is important. Listen to Robert E. Lee:


My experience of men has neither disposed me to think worse of them, or indisposed me to serve them; nor in spite of failures, which I lament, of errors which I now see and acknowledge; or of the present aspect of affairs; do I despair of the future. The truth is this: The march of Providence is so slow, and our desires so impatient; the work of progress is so immense and our means of aiding it so feeble; the life of humanity is so long, that of the individual so brief, that we often see only the ebb of the advancing wave and are thus discouraged. It is history that teaches us to hope.

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Monday, May 09, 2005

Ma Ying-jeou 

I read an article in the Asian Wall Street Journal today by the mayor of Taipei. There is considerable wisdom in what he says, and the article is not long, so I will let you read it yourself here, since I can't link to it:
An Unhealthy Spit on Taiwan

By Ma Ying-jeou (mayor of Taipei)

Everyone knows that China and Taiwan have strong differences, but sharp contradictions and deep divisions also exist within Taiwan itself over cross-Straits relations. This was dramatically illustrated by two recent events.

The first was a protest against the Anti-Secession Law passed by Beijing in early March. It drew 275,000 people on the streets of Taipei on March 26, the second largest rally in the city’s history. But then, a series of trips to the mainland by opposition leaders, culminating in the recent visit by Kuomintang Chairman Lien Chan and the current one by People First Party chairman James Soong, have won widespread public approval. How can such different reactions be reconciled?

Ever since President Chen Shui-bian and his Democratic Progressive Party took power in 2000, an odd phenomenon has emerged in cross-Straits relations. While the two governments remain locked in confrontation, people-to-people exchanges continue to scale new heights.

On the one hand, there has been no dialogue between the two governments since the DPP took office, compared with 27 rounds of talks that were held in the 1990s while the KMT was in power. To be sure, the KMT was in power in 1996, when China launched dummy missiles over Taiwanese waters. But these days, unfriendly diplomatic tussles erupt with monotonous regularity and the threat of military conflict, whether through miscalculation or accident, looms larger every year.

But if the cross-Strait situation is one of the world’s most military explosive, the area is also one of the most economically integrated and interdependent. In the last four years, two-way trade has more than doubled to reach $61 billion in 2004, up from $27 billion in 2001. Taiwanese investment in the mainland increased by 150% to around $7 billion, from $4.6 billion in 2003, with the contracted amount totaling $79 billion since 1991. The number of visits by Taiwanese to the mainland increased by one third, to 3.7 million in 2004 from 2.7 million a year earlier.

All these figures are unprecedented in the history of cross-Straits relations and reflect the political/economic dichotomy that currently exists within Taiwan. One might say that Taiwan is in the midst of a personality split, with its “heart” and “head” going in different directions.

The heart is exemplified by the identity issue. The number of those who identify themselves as Taiwanese only has risen substantially over the past decade and now stands at roughly 45% of the island’s population. By contrast, those who identify themselves as both Taiwanese and Chinese has remained stable at 45%, while the number who identify themselves as only Chinese has fallen to just 10%.

But the head can be seen in opinion polls on whether Taiwan should seek unification or independence. Here there has been far less change over the past decade. Now, as then, the vast majority support a continuation of the status quo, with only a minority favoring unification or independence.

So while the heart now more closely identifies with a purely Taiwanese identity, the head remains strongly in favor of the status quo. That’s a distinction President Chen’s DPP failed to recognize last year when it misinterpreted popular support for a purely Taiwanese identity as a green light to move ahead with steps that were widely interpreted as taking the island closer to de jure independence. These steps included the government’s plan to adopt a new constitution in 2008 and to use the name “Taiwan” rather then “China” or “Taipei” in state-owned enterprises and overseas missions. That not only rocked the boat internationally, but brought an adverse reaction from most ordinary Taiwanese, whose heads told them it was the wrong thing to do.

Taiwan’s deep divisions were only too evident in the March 26 rally. Those who turned out to protest were showing, with their hearts, their anger at Beijing’s behavior. But many of the other Taiwanese who stayed at home that day were just as unhappy with Beijing’s unilateral and non-peaceful approach toward cross-Strait relations. However their heads told them it was better to nurture accommodation through a continuation of the status quo, rather than resort to confrontation.

This split is extremely unhealthy and the political/economic dichotomy that currently exists is neither stabilizing nor sustainable. The recent about-face by prominent business tycoon Hsu Wen-lung—a long-time DPP supporter with substantial business interests on the mainland, who declared his opposition to independence and his support for the “one China principle.”--only goes to show how painful the dichotomy can be even for those who have long identified themselves as purely Taiwanese.

The way to improve the situation is through bilateral exchanges rather than the unilateral actions to which both sides have resorted over the past year.

Beijing first reached a 10-point consensus on cross-Strait relations with KMT Vice Chairman Chiang Ping-kuen in early April and then a five-point “common vision” with KMT Chairman Lien Chan a few weeks later. Earlier, President Chen had separately reached his own 10-point consensus on cross-Straits relations with James Soong. Since these consensuses or visions are largely compatible, and in view of the highly successful trips by Mr. Lien and that of Mr. Soong, which is also likely to succeed, I see no reason why Beijing and Taipei shouldn’t be able to sit down and merge them together into a single, mutually acceptable and enforceable document.

That would reduce the risk of military conflict and bring benefits to Taiwan, China and the whole Asia-Pacific region. It’s time to move forward with bilateral exchanges to ease cross-Strait tensions.

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Thursday, March 03, 2005

The Taiwan Question. As I look back over my first year in China, there are many things that come to mind. But perhaps the single most important question I have been asked, over and over again, is "What do you think about Taiwan?" I have been asked this question by students, by visitors to the English Corner, and by friends. I think it sticks out in my mind more than any other single question. More than "Do you like Chinese food?" More than, "Where are you from?" More than "Do you like China?" "How long did it take you to grow your beard?" and "Why does Bush hate Iraq?"

There is a lot of history to the Taiwan question, and that history is not always well understood. When I am asked about it, I try to point out that the present conflict is different from that which existed during the Cold War. At that time, the issue was "Communism" vs. "Anti-Communism." The Guomindang vs. the Communist Party on the mainland. Both parties in that dispute believed very strongly that there was only one China. But they disagreed about who should be in power. In the West, the conflict was always viewed as an issue between those two parties, and the West naturally took the side of Chiang Kai-shek. But there is a third party. A third group of people. A third element that was never considered in those days, because it was politically powerless. I am referring to the Taiwanese natives. When I mentioned the Taiwanese natives, and the conflict between them and the Chinese refugees who came over with Chiang Kai-shek in the late forties, someone at the English corner said, "Everyone on Taiwan came from China." I said, "Yes, but that was four hundred years ago."

Four hundred years is a long time. The Taiwanese natives are descendents of Chinese laborers who were brought over from the mainland by the Dutch in the 1600's. In fact, it would be more accurate to say that the current Taiwanese natives are the result of intermarriage between those laborers from the mainland, and the aborigines who lived on the island before the Dutch came.

When the Nationalist forces began to lose out to the Communists during the civil war which followed World War II and the defeat of the Japanese, they fled to Taiwan as a sort of "last stand." That's what it would have been, too. Dean Acheson, Truman's Secretary of State, took the position that both South Korea and Formosa (Taiwan) were beyond the "defense perimeter" of the United States. But after the attack on Korea, Truman decided to order the Seventh Fleet into the Taiwan strait to prevent a similar attack on Taiwan. Thus began the standoff that has continued to the present time. But the dynamics have changed. During the Cold War, both sides claimed to be the legitimate government of China, and the Americans supported the Nationalists in this dispute. This dynamic is critical to a correct understanding of the current situation. The reason I say this, is because the Nationalists never, never advocated "independence" from China. In those days, we always talked about "Free China" and "Red China." Both parties claimed to be the legitimate government of China. Not just Taiwan, but all of China.

In 1972, Nixon decided to pursue a relationship with Beijing. The condition, of course, was a recognition of Taiwan as a part of China. Nixon and Kissinger took a gradual approach to this problem, maintaining a relationship with Taiwan, while seeming to give tacit approval to Beijing's position. But when Jimmy Carter became president, he took a much more drastic step. He dissolved the thirty-year-old treaty that had existed between Taiwan and the US for the defense of the island. He also ended all official relations with Taiwan, and declared that the Beijing government was the only legitimate government of all the Chinese people.

Yet, the Americans continued to maintain friendly relations with Taiwan, and promised to protect them. So by publicly advocating a peaceful solution to the problem, and yet acquiescing to Beijing's position, America was trying to have it both ways. In one sense, this was rational. It was becoming a bit ridiculous for a small nation like Taiwan to retain a seat on the security council. Taiwan had been given that position because and only because Taiwan had been recognized as the Republic of China, the legitimate government of all the Chinese people. By the mid seventies, that position had become just a little too much of a stretch. But the problem was that this ambivalent approach tended to encourage threatening statements by the Mainland, followed by resistance and talks of independence by Taiwan.

In 1987, martial law was lifted. This was the beginning of the end for the Guomindang. It is important to remember that martial law was implemented in the first place not to protect society from the Communists or from Communist insurgents. Rather, it was put in place to preserve the power of the Guomindang, given that the folks who came from the mainland constituted only about 10-20% of the population, depending on who you talk to. With the lifting of martial law, and the move toward democracy, it was inevitable that the native population would start to become more prominent politically. Ironically, the change really started with Lee, who was Guomindang, but a Taiwanese native. But the real political upheaval was the election of Chen Shui-bian in 2000, which ended the 50 year reign of the Guomindang.

A few weeks ago, I had dinner with a lay preacher from Taipei who had been an acquaintance of Chen Shui-bian. He suggested that Chen Shui-bian's real priority was money. As presumptuous as it is for me to disagree with him, I do disagree with him. Although I have some problems with the approach that Chen Shui-bian is using, I believe that his approach is formed by the fact that he is a Taiwanese native, and thus has no reason to support reunification with the mainland. This, then is the change in the dynamic: While previously, the conflict had been between the Guomindang and the Communists, it is now a conflict between the Taiwanese natives and the Mainland. And that includes those who came from the mainland 50 years ago. So, oddly, the Guomindang, which used to be seen as China's great nemesis, has now become the ally of China in working for reunification. In fact, the recent non-stop flights between Taiwan and the mainland were negotiated by a committee sent to Beijing as emissaries from the Guomindang, and this without the permission of the ruling party.

So where do we go from here? In my discussions with people about this issue, I have tried to point out the importance of understanding and communication. Consider the following interchange, which I have had, in some form or another many times when someone has asked me,

"Do you think it is appropriate for the United States to interfere in the internal matters of another country?"

"Are you talking about Taiwan?"

"Yes."

"Have you ever been to Taiwan?"

"No."

"Have you ever met someone from Taiwan?"

"No."

"Have you ever talked with someone who has visited Taiwan?"

"No."

"Have you ever met anyone who knows someone who has been to Taiwan?"

"No."

"Then perhaps it is reasonable for me to conclude that your feelings about the issue might be influenced by the fact that you have only heard one side of the story."

From these interchanges and others like them, I have become convinced that the shortest route to reunification is the establishment of understanding. And understanding is built by communication. The current cross-straits flights are a start. But they need to be increased to the point that they are routine. Only then will there exist the level of communication that can be the foundation for greater understanding.

In the United States, I have talked with people from each of these three groups. I have heard Taiwanese natives tell me how they were slapped as children when they spoke their native dialect with their classmates. The teacher spoke Mandarin, and Mandarin was the official language everyone was supposed to speak. But rules like this were imposed on the majority by a powerful minority from the Mainland. Hence the sense of bitterness and resentment which drives the current move for independence. Again, the independence forces are not nearly so much anti-Communist as they are anti-Mainland.

But here's the final irony. Chen Shui-bian can argue that he is representing a sentiment felt by most of the people, since there are more Taiwanese natives on Taiwan then there are "Mainlanders." But what chance is there that Chen Shui-bian would now be the president of Taiwan if the Guomindang had never come there? Nobody, even the most radical proponents of independence, could rationally argue that this movement for independence would even be possible without the defacto independence Taiwan currently enjoys. And this must be credited to the Guomindang. Their presence on the island is the reason this is possible.

Well, I said all that to say that I really believe that we should support any group or party which publicly advocates peaceful reunification. In defense of this, let me juxtapose two individuals who figure prominently in the history of this problem. They are Zhou En-lai, and Jiang Jie-shi (Chiang Kai-shek). As different as those two men were, I focus on them, because I believe that they had one thing in common. They were both patriots. They were definitely on opposite sides in the civil war, but I still believe that both of them loved China, even though they had very different pictures of what China should become.

During the Sino-Japanese war, Chiang Kai-shek incurred the wrath of not only the Americans (especially Joseph Stillwell), but forces within his own movement, because he was dragging his feet about fighting the Japanese. Chiang always said that the Japanese were a disease of the skin, but the Communists were a disease of the heart. This issue came to a head in 1936 when Chiang was kidnapped by his own men in what is now known as the "Xi'an Incident." His release was negotiated by none other than Zhou En-lai, who, although no lover of the Guomindang, believed that Chiang needed to be kept alive because China needed him.

Whatever else can be said about Chiang Kai-shek, I don't think there is any doubt that he was a patriot who loved his country. And the country he loved was China, not Taiwan. You see, with both the Guomindang and the Communists it was always about China. This is not to say that he Taiwanese natives do not have a position to argue. I feel that their position should and must be considered. That I why I believe that the Americans have a role to play in ensuring that any move toward reunification be peaceful. But complete independence for Taiwan--I mean the establishment of Taiwan as a sovereign nation, is a position which is unrealistic and unhistorical.

In May of 1895, just after Taiwan had been ceded to Japan by the treaty of Shimonoseki, a few brave souls on Taiwan declared independence, set up the Taiwan Republic, and even flew a flag. But the Japanese troops arrived a few days later, and the dream was over. So Taiwan has been an independent country for no more than a few days in all of its history. Ironically, it has functioned as a defacto independent nation since 1949, but this is not true independence--Taiwan has always operated as part of the American sphere. Not a colony, to be sure, but kept "independent" by the US military. Because of this history, the Americans feel an obligation (and rightly so) to ensure that Taiwan is protected, but also have a very real obligation to back off from any direct interference other than to ensure that Taiwan is not bullied into an arrangement with the mainland that is repugnant to most of its people. It's a tough issue. There is only one China. But the status quo may have to exist for not a few years before a resolution is arrived at which meets the needs of all concerned.

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